You previously purchased this article through ReadCube. Institutional Login. Log in to Wiley Online Library. Purchase Instant Access. View Preview. Learn more Check out. Citing Literature. Volume 2 , Issue 2 March Pages Related Information. Close Figure Viewer. Browse All Figures Return to Figure. Previous Figure Next Figure. Email or Customer ID. On the other were the American-trained sociologists whose principal spokesmen were George Lundberg and Stuart Dodd, with sup-port from W.
Ogburn who was less vocal, though a prolific author of quantitative studies and his student Samuel A. Sorokin and Znaniecki maintained that the social sciences are cultural sciences. Sociocultural phenomena are fundamentally different from physio-chemical or biological phenomena, Sorokin argued, in that they have three major components: 1 im-material, spaceless, and timeless meanings; 2 material objects that objectify the meanings; 3 human beings who bear, use, and operate these meanings with the help of material objects Sorokin , p.
The cause-and-effect models of the traditional sciences do not apply to sociocultural phenomena, he maintained, because the members of a sociocultural class are bound together by cultural meanings, not by their intrinsic properties. The appropriate method of sociology, he maintained, is analytic induction.
This period also saw debate among sociologists concerning some of the classic philosophical issues. Were social concepts nominal or real? Did sociology eliminate free will by adopting social determinism? Were sociologists guilty of solipsism or of an irresponsible cultural relativism?
Though many sociologists never comfortably resolved these issues, in practice their position was not unlike that of Ogburn. The line that separated the major positions in the controversy over sociological method reflected not so much the issue of whether or not social data should be quantified as the choice of logical bases for determining cause-and-effect relationships among sociological variables.
In the view of such critics as Sorokin, Maclver, and Robert S. Lynd, the quantitative school with its espousal of statistics particularly methods of correlation and of laboratory or natural experiments followed, in the view of its critics, the logic of J. Thus Sorokin was not averse to the quantification of social data but to the logic implicit in certain models of quantitative analysis.
From on, the battleground shifted some-what to arguments about the nature of operationism in sociology and the criteria for selecting analytical models in social investigation. These controversies never became as polemical as those of the prewar period. The entry of mathematical sociology on the scene, while met with skepticism by many sociologists, is hardly controversial within the discipline as a whole.
Indeed, many sociologists today speak of interaction effects, for instance, in a statistical as well as a theoretical sense. Perhaps the most important deterrent to controversy during this period was the decreasing sepa-ration between sociological theory and methodology. This was due in part to the monumental efforts of Parsons to bring sociological theory to bear upon sociological inquiry. Merton became the principal spokesman for the integration of sociological theory and empirical investigation.
The new spokesmen for quantification in sociology, such as Paul F. Lazarsfeld and Louis Guttman, worked toward a closer integration of models of quantitative analysis with sociological theory. Above all, however, empirical research in sociology matured, so that an increasing number of studies derived more directly from problems in sociological theory than from immediate practical interests, and were far more sophisticated in their technical execution than the older studies had been.
Certain major empirical investigations that addressed themselves to problems in sociological theory likewise exerted considerable influence in the immediate postwar period, much as the studies of Thomas and Znaniecki and those of the Chicago school under E. Burgess and Robert Park had done in the s. The two-volume The American Soldier Stouffer et al. In similar fashion the Indianapolis studies of social and psychological factors in human fertility, under P. Whelpton and Clyde Riser , reoriented investigation in demography. Another very influential work of the period was The Authoritarian Personality Adorno et al.
Although subsequently these studies were subjected to some negative reassessment, they undoubtedly were very influential in shaping the investigations of postwar American sociologists. Lack of receptivity to Marxism. Throughout the s and s Marxism and other socialist doctrines were a major influence on European sociology. The historical materialism of Marx may even have hindered the development of an empirical sociology in Europe during this period.
Why was Marx less influential in the United States? To be sure, American sociology bore the marks of acquaintance with the problems of Marxian sociology. But even the writings of Ogburn, Lynd, and, later, of C. Wright Mills, which perhaps owed a greater intellectual debt to the writings of Marx than did those of most sociologists, were not Marxian sociology; and the influence of Weber and Durkheim on the development of American sociology continued to be far greater than that of Marx.
There are a number of reasons why a Marxian sociology never developed in the United States.
It could readily be argued that the ideological and political climate of the United States was hostile to such a development; certainly, Marxism never received the encouragement in the United States that fostered its growth in other countries. But that would hardly explain the lack of receptivity to Marxism among those members of the sociological profession in America who considered themselves intellectuals. Perhaps, as Mills suggested, the social origins of American sociologists precluded such interests. Perhaps more to the point is the fact that most American sociologists since the early s have been more highly committed to an empirical sociology than to and ideological or theoretical position.
They agree that some of the major problems of sociology are to be found in Marx—but only some, since for them a science of sociology is one in which theory can be tested because it supplies problems that are open to empirical investigation. Within this context, Marxian sociology and the whole tradition of historical materialism seems to them somehow old-fashioned. The rise of scientific sociology. Has sociology, then, arrived at the status of a special science?
Sociologists might assert that this is in itself a problem requiring sociological investigation. But there are bases for arguing that it has indeed achieved that status in American society. Likewise, it is apparent that the decline in polemics about the respective importance of sociological theory and methodology has made it possible to integrate them more closely. Furthermore, American sociologists and social psychologists in the postwar period have successfully developed research institutes that facilitate research training and scholarly investigation.
Although the cost of doing re-search has increased sharply, the availability of research grants has enabled the sociologist to carry on his work as scientist [see Research and Development, article on Financing Social Research]. By most graduate students in sociology in American universities were receiving financial sup-port comparable to that for students in the traditional sciences. Sociology, after a brief period of waiting, became a program division in the National Science Foundation and before long was admitted to the Behavioral Sciences Division of the National Research Council [see Behavioral Sciences].
By , though membership in the prestigious National Academy of Sciences still awaited American sociologists, all other barriers to full professional status had been scaled. The interpenetration of sociology with psychology in the area that has come to be known as social psychology has certainly affected the development of American sociology as a science. The other major models for quantification have come from demography and statistics. They, too, have shaped the character of sociology, since they are more easily applied to the study of social aggregates than to that of the relationships among properties of organizations.
Re-search investigations in the fields of comparative institutions and social organization, therefore, often display less technical sophistication than those in the interstitial fields of demography and social psychology. The core of sociology, which is social institutions and their organization, is only now developing its own methods of investigation March Formal university instruction in sociology leading to a doctorate was offered first in the United States.
Only slowly did sociology develop as a distinct discipline within the universities of other countries. In no country other than the United States has provision been made for formal instruction in sociology in academic departments or facul-ties throughout the system of higher education. Furthermore, only in the United States has formal instruction in sociology spread to precollege curricula. To be sure, in the nineteenth century, universi-ties outside the United States harbored instruction in sociology either through the system, once common in the universities of continental Europe, of permitting lectures by independent private scholars, or, on occasion, by creating a chair in sociology for a distinguished scholar.
Durkheim was among the few Europeans in the nineteenth century to attain academic title as a sociologist; he was a professor of sociology and education at the University of Paris. The first recorded instance of formal instruction in a course called sociology within the United States occurred in at Yale University , where William Graham Sumner offered such a course. However, until his death in Sumner was identified at Yale as a professor of political and social science. Luther L. Bernard ; , Albion W. Small , and Jessie Bernard , in their discussions of sociological instruction in the United States, give accounts of the early courses in sociology and the beginning of academic departments.
The period from to brought formal instruction in sociology to 18 colleges and universities in the United States ibid. But it remained for the University of Chicago , when it opened in , to establish the first academic department in the United States with work leading to the doctorate in sociology.
At the outset, instruction in sociology was more often established in joint departments than in departments devoted entirely to sociology. By far the most common alliance was made with economics, with history a distant second. Where sociology was not entitled to independent or joint departmental status, it was usually taught in departments of economics, history, philosophy, political science , or general departments of social sciences.
Despite the fact that the first department of sociology at the University of Chicago was a joint department of sociology and anthropology, anthropology was not generally linked with sociology in this early period. Actually, sociology in the United States gradually added anthropology to its offerings, so that by the s there were a substantial number of departments of sociology and anthropology. By , however, most of these academic partnerships had been dissolved as anthropology achieved status as a separate academic discipline.
By most colleges and universities in the United States were offering courses in sociology Bernard , p. The actual establishment of separate departments of sociology occurred at a much slower rate. By most American universities and colleges had a department of sociology, although only 70 of them were offering a doctorate in sociology. The number of higher-degree programs in sociology in the United States, however, is probably greater than that in all other countries combined.
Two very important conditions appear to have led to the establishment of sociology as an academic discipline in the United States to a greater extent than in any other country. First, sociology in the United States was oriented toward pragmatic as well as theoretical and philosophical interests.
Although the alliances formed between sociologists and social reformers were sometimes uneasy, there remained an overriding concern in American sociology with developing an empirical science based on research into social problems. A second major factor undoubtedly was the rapid growth of mass public education in the United States following the Civil War. With the rapid expansion of the universities, beginning in , there undoubtedly was less pressure on university administrations to restrict professorships to established disciplines and on professors to compete for students, of whom there were many.
Indeed, while there was some antagonism from the other social sciences in American, as in European, universities, the organization of American universities into largely autonomous departments made it possible for these departments to add instruction in sociology to their other offerings. Equally important may have been the administrative organization of American universities. There is abundant evidence that the separation of administration from direct faculty control in the American university has facilitated the introduction of new subject matter, including sociology, into the curriculum.
It may be significant, too, that during the period up to at least seven American university presidents were themselves the first to offer formal course work in sociology at their universities. Another factor that may have been significant in the development of American sociology was a con-sequence of its institutionalization within the universities.
This was the use, from quite an early date, of textbooks in sociology as the mainstay of college courses in the subject. The earliest of these textbooks was An Introduction to the Study of Society, by Small and Vincent of the department of sociology at the University of Chicago This was followed in by Franklin H. These and other such works influenced the training of large numbers of under-graduate students in sociology and helped to recruit some of them for graduate training in the field.
The textbook is indeed a hallmark of undergraduate education in the United States. In the case of sociology, despite the seeming diversity in approaches of authors, textbooks represent an important element in standardizing the discipline. American sociologists have carefully documented the development of academic sociology and its growth as a science and a profession. Among the major surveys are those by Small , Wirth , Odum , Lundberg and others , Ross , Bernard and Bernard , and Shils Other countries.
The progress of instruction in sociology was not uniform in continental Europe, England, Russia, the Orient, or Latin America. From time to time chairs or positions were added at various universities, but up to World War n the largest concentrations of appointments in academic sociology were in the United States and Germany. Despite the spectacular success attained by Herbert Spencer in popularizing sociology not only in England but also in the United States, where he was a best seller Hofstadter , chapter 2 , and despite the monumental research achievements of Booth and Mayhew and the pioneering comparative analyses of Hobhouse and his associates , academic sociology developed very slowly in England.
Perhaps one of the major reasons for this was the successful establishment of social anthropology in the British universities, especially through the work of A. The American sociologist Edward Shils , in trying to account for the failure of sociology to establish itself in British universities during the first half of the twentieth century, has argued that the principal reason was the refusal of the British academic elite to raise questions about contemporary life in England. This elite, based in Oxford and Cambridge, is self-sustaining and exclusive; since its existence is founded on privilege and class prejudice, it actively discourages a sociology which would make for critical investigation of the society that nurtures it.
It remained for Durkheim to gain university status for sociology, first through a lectureship created for him at the University of Bordeaux in and then at the Sorbonne, to which he was called in As in Britain—and, to a degree, in the United States during the first two decades of this century—academic sociology in France was closely associated with anthropology. In the United States, sociology dominated this partnership; in France, as in Eng-land, the reverse was true, and academic sociology evolved more slowly as a result. Although historical and philosophical sociology spread in this way among the several faculties of French universities, quantitative sociology has remained centered largely outside the universities in a number of institutes most of which are, however, part of the French system of higher education.
On the whole, there-fore, there is a breach between the sociology of the academy and that of the institutes. Sociology in Germany lacked from the outset the public recognition and support it had gained in England and the United States through being associated with the name of Spencer.
While sociology early became the concern of scholars who were established in chairs at major German universities, it remained a humanistic rather than a scientific discipline, and never gained widespread support even among the humanists Konig , pp. Yet it was Germany, more than any other country, that in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries produced sociological writers who exercised a major influence on modern sociological theory—Marx, Tonnies, Simmel, Max Weber, and Karl Mannheim.
The academic connections of this group of scholars with German universities were tenuous, however, for various reasons. Marx was an itinerant intellectual whose political views made it advisable for him to live in exile most of his life; Simmel held a regular professorship in philosophy at the University of Berlin only late in life, possibly because, like Marx, he was Jewish; Weber taught at Heidelberg only sporadically, largely because of illness; Mannheim became a refugee from Nazism and ended his career at the London School of Economics.
Of this distinguished group, only Tonnies spent his entire academic career at a German university, in his case the University of Kiel. Although sociologists could be found in most German universities before , they were as likely to hold chairs in political economy or philosophy as in sociology.
No strong center of sociological inquiry emerged within the German university system be-cause both the university traditions and organization and the nature of sociological inquiry among German sociologists tended to restrict academic sociology to a small circle composed of a professor and his assistants. Undoubtedly the development of academic sociology in Germany suffered more from upheavals within the society than it did in other European nations. By most German universities were offering lectures and degree courses in sociology, so that a substantial number of young German sociologists had been trained by that time; almost all of them, however, fled within a few years of the rise of the Nazi government.
Among those who had been major sociologists in Germany in the s, only Leopold von Wiese remained in a German university throughout the Nazi period. He appears in no way to have cooperated with the Nazi regime. Within 10 years of the defeat of the Nazi government, sociology re-established itself in the major universities of West Germany.
The chairs were usually offered to sociologists who had fled during the Nazi period and who lacked strong training in quantitative sociology. With few exceptions, they have fitted rather comfortably into the philosophical and historical traditions of German sociology. Israel Among the smaller nations of the world, nowhere does sociology flourish as it does in Israel. Its growth is virtually simultaneous with the growth of the state of Israel. One of those towering intellects who transcend disciplinary boundaries, Martin Buber , established and headed the department of sociology at the Hebrew University [see the biography of Buber].
Eisenstadt, has developed a tradition of both theoretical studies and empirical research at the Hebrew University [see Social Institutions ]. There also is a strong school of applied sociology in Israel [see Refugees, article on Adjustment and Assimilation]. Most Israeli sociologists have close ties with government officials and leaders; sociological investigation often is linked to policy decisions. No doubt some of this close alliance between sociology and social policy in Israel is due to the small size of the country, so that intellectuals in the universities are more closely linked to their government.
But Hebrew traditions contribute to the relationship. Sociology emerged as an academic discipline in Russia with the founding of a department of social sciences at Moscow that included a chair of sociology. Despite some empirical research by younger Russian sociologists, sociology up to this point was largely based in philosophy and history and soon became Marxist sociology.
It should be noted that sociology throughout the Soviet period of Russian history has been under the direct control of the ideological branch of the Communist party. Soviet sociology defined as Marxist sociology has been widely taught both within and outside the universities, though until recently without special academic or faculty recognition see Fischer ; Simirenko Up to , at least, most sociologists in the Soviet Union taught and did research within faculties of philosophy and institutes Fischer , p.
Sociology entered the curriculum of the Tokyo Imperial University almost as early as it entered that of any American university. Ernest Fenollosa, an American philosopher, came to the Tokyo Imperial University in and offered lectures in shakaigaku sociology based on the work of Herbert Spencer.
A chair of sociology was established at Tokyo Imperial University in Odaka Prior to World War n, the principal centers of academic sociology in Japan were at Tokyo and Kyoto, each of which represented a school of sociological thought. The Tokyo school was regarded as more empirical than that of Kyoto, which was regarded as formal and phenomenological ibid. The relatively late arrival of sociology in the universities of India perhaps reflects the essentially philosophical orientation of Indian intellectuals, who were generally unreceptive to the idea of an empirical sociology.
Sociology was not introduced as a course in an Indian university until , when it was offered in the economics department at Calcutta University. Bombay University established the first Indian department of sociology in Almost all doctoral work in sociology in was concentrated at the universities of Bombay, Delhi, Agra, Baroda, and Lucknow, with neither Calcutta nor Madras universities offering such programs.
Most Indian universities still lack honors courses leading to a sociology degree. Central and South America. The political structure and climate of the Central and South American republics and their universities have hindered the development of sociology as an academic discipline. Nonetheless, today chairs in sociology are to be found in nearly all these republics—in facul-ties of law, philosophy, or social sciences and on occasion in schools of sociology.
Though the division is by no means clear-cut, the countries of the Atlantic have been more likely to develop an academic sociology based on European, particularly Hispanic, traditions and writings, while those of the Pacific have developed a more empirical sociological tradition Bastide Since most of the larger republics have had at least one major institute devoted primarily to sociological research.
The greatest range of academic programs representing the different fields of sociology has been offered in the universities of Brazil and Mexico, although Argentina, which has the largest number of universities, experienced a sociological renaissance during the period between the Peron and the Ongania regimes.
Eastern Europe. The development of sociology in the eastern European nations was closely linked to their political independence. While there were sociologists within eastern European universities prior to , there was no recognition of sociology as an academic discipline. The growth of sociology within the universities was slow until World War n, with only Poland and Hungary developing major centers of sociology; since World War n, Poland especially has produced a number of distinguished theorists and, particularly at Warsaw, empirical research in the sociology of law.
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In the postwar period, sociology in the east European countries was dominated until quite recently by conservative Marxist sociology, though the influence of French and American sociology was already evident in the s. Southern Europe. Among the countries of southern Europe, only Italy could claim before World War n that a sociological tradition existed in its universities. However, Italian sociology did not emerge with separate departmental status, usually being confined to faculties of law, philosophy, or economics. As in Germany, the rise of fascism created a climate that was inhospitable to academic sociology as it evolved in other countries.
Despite their small size, the Scandinavian countries have witnessed probably the most rapid growth of sociology in the period since World War n, Except in Finland, there was little academic sociology in these countries before that time. Even today, however, because of the relatively small scale of Scandinavian higher education, most sociologists hold posts outside the universi-ties. Scandinavian sociology has historical roots in demography and tends to favor a positivistic, quantitative approach to social phenomena, often linked with a deep interest in social policy and legislation.
Reasons for the growth of sociology. Even a brief overview of the rise and development of sociology makes apparent that its rise and growth as an intellectual and an academic discipline depends upon social and political conditions in nation-states. This is perhaps especially true of academic sociology, which has, for the most part, experienced its greatest growth in the systems of mass public higher education that are found in modern indus-trial democracies.
Academic sociology undoubtedly suffered most in countries where totalitarian governments regarded it as dangerous on ideological grounds, since most sociologists with university appointments were either compelled to resign or found it prudent to do so many of them, of course, became refugees. This was particularly true for Germany from to , the period of National Socialism ; for the Soviet Union since ; for Japan during much of its history; and for the eastern European countries since the late s.
The two world wars also greatly affected the training of young sociologists and the careers of established ones in countries that were either occupied or under siege probably the most distinguished sociologist to become a direct victim of these upheavals was Halbwachs, who died in Buchenwald in In all countries, however, it was the structure of the system of higher education and of the universi-ties that undoubtedly played the most important role in developing academic sociology.
There was strong resistance from the traditional faculties to the entrance of sociology and to any claims that it might be a science. Since in almost all countries appointments to the faculty were closely controlled by the faculties themselves, not by a separate administration, the development of academic sociology encountered considerable resistance in all but the American universities.
Furthermore, in most countries higher education was designed for an elite, not the masses, and the system did not have the resources to develop sociology on a substantial scale. Indeed, it must be admitted that a major factor in the establishment of academic sociology, particularly as a science, has been the character of the financial resources that could be allocated to it for empirical research.
Such resources historically have come to universi-ties primarily through private foundations and government subsidies or grants. In countries such as England and the United States, the private foundation played an important role in the early development of sociology as an empirical science, but in recent years the role of government in supporting research has become even more important, irrespective of country. Thus sociology has become dependent upon the state for its growth as a re-search enterprise.
In the countries where sociology has increasingly gained state support for research, it has grown most rapidly as a research discipline. The growth of sociology as an intellectual discipline reflects the same resource base. Rural sociology and the sociology of social problems, among other fields, grew under the impetus of the avail-ability of financial resources for research, particularly state resources [see Rural Society; Social Problems ]. It should be clear that all the aforementioned conditions for the growth of sociology as an academic discipline and an empirical science were most easily satisfied within the context of American society.
These conditions—free inquiry both within and without the university, mass public education, a loosely organized, decentralized university system, and large resources for the financial sup-port of research—therefore appear essential to the rise and rapid development of sociology in the ways already mentioned. Sociology is among the sciences that may become dangerous to the state and to society; the growth of such sciences as academic disciplines is therefore intimately bound up with the state of society.
The sociologists of the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries were largely scholars who had been trained in branches of knowledge other than sociology. In the German, French, and American universities they were generally products of the faculties of law, economics, political economy, and philosophy. With the establishment of academic departments or chairs of sociology in the universi-ties, the training of sociologists gradually fell to scholars or professionals who had been trained in sociology.
Yet for much of its history the sociological profession has judged applicants for academic appointment or certification as sociologists less by the kind of academic training they have received than by the sociological character of their writings or research. In no country has the professionalization of sociology moved as far as in the United States. Although the American Sociological Association still admits to membership persons who do not hold a degree in sociology, fellows or active that is, voting members with few exceptions must hold the Ph.
American universities have provided the best opportunities for the rapid growth of sociology as a profession, since they are structured around academic departments that provide doctoral training. By the mids there were some seventy universities in the United States offering graduate work in sociology leading to the doctoral degree, with an annual output of over such degrees. However, the distribution of Ph. The largest single concentration of professionally trained sociologists in was in the United States, though the numbers in all the continental European countries and in England, India, Japan, and Latin America had grown substantially since Indeed, by almost every new nation had a few sociologists.
Almost two thousand sociologists assembled in at the Sixth World Congress of Sociology of the International Sociological Association, with no country accounting for more than one-tenth of those in attendance. Active members and fellows a majority of whom hold the doctorate in sociology in the American Sociological Association numbered 3, in Sociologists in the United States, in contrast with those in many other countries of the world, are employed primarily in colleges and universities.
Of those in the National Register in , 77 per cent were so employed Hopper , table 4. The employment of sociologists outside universities is relatively recent in the United States, so that American sociology has been the sociology of the academician rather than the sociology of the administrator or reformer. In the s university employment still carries far greater prestige for American sociologists than does any other form of employment, but there are indications that, as the total number of sociologists increases, this may gradually cease to be true.
No comparable statistics are available about the employment of sociologists in countries other than the United States. It ap-pears, however, that, except in Canada, a substantially smaller proportion of them are employed in universities. Moreover, a growing proportion of the employment of all sociologists in England, Eu-rope, the United States, and the Soviet Union is accounted for by the civil service and by research institutes.
The extent to which sociologists are employed professionally outside of universities depends to a great extent on the development of the applied fields of sociology—for example, on whether there are sociologically trained criminologists, welfare administrators, and social planners. Unlike psychologists, sociologists have not organized their professional training around specialized clinical training programs. Within the United States, in fact, the difference in the size of the professional associations of psychologists and sociologists can nearly all be accounted for by the large number of clinical psychologists in the American Psychological Association.
Sociology in both England and the United States was long associated with the profession of social work. By , however, most large sociology departments in the United States had ceased to provide any training preparatory for social work. Within the United States the decline in emphasis on training applied sociologists can be attributed in large part to professional efforts to establish the status of sociology as a science, but it is also due in part to the fact that other disciplines, such as social work, now train their own practitioners. All of this should not be allowed to obscure the fact that sociologists in most countries are deeply involved with the problems confronting their socie-ties.
But here their roles are primarily those of scientific investigator and policy scientists [see Policy Sciences]. Increasingly, too, sociology has developed subfields of specialization, such as medical sociology and the sociology of education, that are related to practice in other professions. The recognition that sociologists gradually gained within the universities of their own countries did not necessarily rescue sociology from the insularity in which it found itself.
All too often the early academic sociologists wrote quite unaware of the work of important sociologists within as well as outside their own countries. Though Durkheim went to Germany for a period, he does not seem to have encountered Simmel. The pioneer American sociologist Lester F. Ward produced much of his early work unaware even of the existence of major scholars in sociology in his own country.
The truth seems to be that while most of the early sociologists belonged to learned societies or intellectual circles within their own countries, their diverse scholarly origins often gave them little contact with one another. Following the model of other scholars and scientists, however, sociologists established their own learned or scientific societies, some with over-tones of professionalism.
All the countries of the civilised world are contributing to the sociological movement, but the activity is greater in some than in others. It is perhaps least in England. In Germany, it has a distinctive character, with a tendency to evade the name of sociology. In the United States this activity is most intense and very real and earnest.
But there can be no doubt that it is in France, which was also the cradle of the science, that sociology has taken the firmest hold upon the thinking classes, and it is there that we find the largest annual output, whether we confine ourselves to the literature or include in our enumeration the practical applications of Sociology in the form of institutions, such as the Musee Social, for carrying on lines of operation calculated to educate and enlighten the people in social matters.
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In: Brown, Chris , ed. Brown, Chris Decent peoples, burdened societies, outlaw states: conceptual categories in the law of peoples. Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart, Germany, pp. Brown, Daniel The death of Vine, and the volatile nature of new media. Researching Sociology 17 Jan Brown, Sally Book review: father and daughter: patriarchy, gender and social science by Ann Oakley. Brown Coverdale, Helen Book review: the human rights enterprise: political sociology, state power, and social movements by William T. Armaline et al. Brown-Saracino, Japonica How cities shape social and sexual identities.
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Nature Human Behaviour, 1 Bruton, Michael The power of a speech: the growing importance of communication from leaders. Department for Education and Employment, Great Britain. ISBN 1 1. Bucur, Cristina In coalitions, parties tend to receive their proportional share of ministries. Democratic Audit UK 31 May Buerger, Mira Algorithms: neither makers nor mirrors of reality. Researching Sociology 16 Nov Buerger, Mira Putting the T in sociology.
Researching Sociology 07 Jul Bulger, Monica Is using technology for learning a good idea? Parenting for a Digital Future 11 Nov Burchardt, Tania Deliberative research as a tool to make value judgements. Qualitative Research, 14 3. Burchell, Kevin , Franklin, Sarah and Holden, Kerry Public culture as professional science: final report of the ScoPE project scientists on public engagement: from communication to deliberation?
Burdett, Richard Mapping scales of urban identity. Architectural Design, 82 6. Burdett, Ricky Counterpoint: designing inequality?
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Architectural Design, 86 3. Burdett, Ricky Infrastructures of equality versus inequality. In: Ruby, Ilka and Ruby, Andreas , eds. Infrastructure Space. Ruby Press, Berlin, Germany, pp. Burdett, Ricky Quick study: Ricky Burdett on changing cities: man v city. Prospero Blog The Economist 30 Sep Burdett, Ricky and Rode, Philipp Living in the urban age.
In: Burdett, Ricky and Sudjic, Deyan , eds. Living in the Endless City. Phaidon, London, UK, pp. Burris, Mary Media research, development and identity. Burton, Jonathan , Nandi, Alita and Platt, Lucinda Measuring ethnicity: challenges and opportunities for survey research. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 33 8. Burton, Sarah Book Review: C. Wright Mills and the sociological imagination: contemporary perspectives, edited by John Scott and Ann Nilsen. Burton, Sarah Book review: the invention of heterosexual culture.
Burton, Sarah Book review: the politics of the body by Alison Phipps. Impact of Social Sciences Blog 17 Apr Population Trends In: Ikenberry, G. John , ed. Power, Order, and Change in World Politics. Buzan, Barry From international to world society? English school theory and the social structure of globalisation. Cambridge Studies in International Relations. ISBN hb pb. Buzan, Barry Revisiting world society. International Politics. Buzan, Barry and Albert, Mathias Differentiation: a sociological approach to international relations theory.
European Journal of International Relations, 16 3. Journal of Asian Studies, 62 4. In: Glushkova, Irina and Vora, Rajendra , eds. Home, Family and Kinship in Maharashtra. Oxford University Press, New Delhi, pp. Socio-anthropologie du mariage au Maharashtra. Cahiers Internationaux de Sociologie, Cacciatore, Michael , Yeo, Sara K.
Calhoun, Craig Academic freedom: public knowledge and the structural transformation of the university. Social Research, 76 2. Calhoun, Craig Accidental wisdom: Robert Merton's serendipitous findings. Book Forum, Summer. Calhoun, Craig Beyond the problem of meaning: Robert Wuthnow's historical sociology of culture. Theory and Society, 21 3. Calhoun, Craig Book review: Giddens, "the constitution of society". Social Science Quarterly, 67 1. University of Michigan Press, Work and Occupations, 10 2. Calhoun, Craig Book review: T. Bottomore, sociology and socialism. Sociology and Social Research, 69 3.
Calhoun, Craig Book review: a history of sociological analysis. Social Forces, 58 2. European Journal of Sociology, 49 Calhoun, Craig Book review: friends and lovers. Contemporary Sociology, 6 4. Calhoun, Craig Book review: movement and institution by Francesco Alberoni. Journal of Modern History, 58 3. Calhoun, Craig Book review: the Frankfurt School: its history, theories, and political significance. Contemporary Sociology, 24 5.
Calhoun, Craig Book review: the city and the grassroots. Manuel Castells. Qualitative Sociology, 9 1. Calhoun, Craig Book review: the fall of public man. Social Forces, 56 4. Calhoun, Craig Book review: the uncertainties of knowledge. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, Calhoun, Craig Civil society and political life. Contemporary Sociology, 19 2. Calhoun, Craig Civil society and the public sphere. Public Culture, 5 2. Calhoun, Craig Class, place and industrial revolution. In: Thrift, Nigel and Williams, Peter , eds.
Class and Space: the Making of Urban Society. Calhoun, Craig Classical social theory and the French Revolution of Sociological Theory, 7 2. Consortium on Revolutionary Europe: Calhoun, Craig Comment on: anthropology, sociology, and other dubious disciplines. Current Anthropology, 44 4. Calhoun, Craig Commentary: reply to Jansen. Contemporary Sociology, 15 4. Calhoun, Craig Comments on "democracy in an information society". Information Society, 4 3. Calhoun, Craig Communication as a social science and more. In: Jones, Steve , ed.
Communicating the Center. Calhoun, Craig Communication as social science and more. International Journal of Communication, 5. Calhoun, Craig Community without propinquity revisited: communications technology and the transformation of the urban public sphere. Sociological Inquiry, 68 3. Calhoun, Craig Community without propinquity revisited: communications technology and the transformation of the urban public sphere [Italian translation].
In: De Benedittis, Mario , ed. Produrre cultura creare comunicazione 1. Franco Angeli, Milan, Italy. Calhoun, Craig Computer technology, large-scale social integration, and the local community. Urban Affairs Review, 22 2. Calhoun, Craig Continuing trends or future transformations. In: Pescosolido, Bernice A. Calhoun, Craig Cosmopolitan Europe and European studies. In: Rumford, Chris , ed.
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In: Brunkhorst, Hauke , ed. Demokratie in Der Weltgesellschaft. Soziale Welt - Sonderband Nomos, Germany, pp. Calhoun, Craig Critical social theory: culture, history, and the challenge of difference. Twentieth-century social theory. Critique and Humanism Publishing House, Bulgaria. Calhoun, Craig Critical theory and the public sphere. Wiley-Blackwell, pp. ISBN X. Calhoun, Craig Culture, history and the problem of specificity in social theory. Basil Blackwell, Cambridge, UK, pp. Calhoun, Craig Democracy, autocracy, and intermediate associations in organizations: flexibility or unrestrained change?
Sociology, 14 3. Calhoun, Craig E. Thompson and the discipline of historical context. Social Research, 61 2. Calhoun, Craig Editor's comment: what passes for theory in contemporary sociology? Sociological Theory, 14 1. Calhoun, Craig Education and the problem of continuity. The Anthropological Study of Education. World anthropology. Mouton, The Hague, Holland, pp. Calhoun, Craig Explanation in historical sociology: narrative, general theory, and historically specific theory. American Journal of Sociology, 3. Calhoun, Craig For the social history of the present: Pierre Bourdieu as historical sociologist.
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In: Gorski, Philip S. Bourdieu and Historical Analysis. Politics, history, and culture. Calhoun, Craig Foreword: Russia: the challenges of transformation. In: Dutkiewicz, Piotr and Trenin, Dmitri , eds. Russia: the Challenges of Transformation. Possible futures. Calhoun, Craig Foreword: multicultural politics: racism, ethnicity and Muslims in Britain.
In: Modood, Tariq , ed. Calhoun, Craig Gerhard Lenski, some false oppositions, and the religious factor. Sociological Theory, 22 2. International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, 11 2. Calhoun, Craig Habermas and the public sphere. Knowledge and Postmodernism in Historical Perspective. Calhoun, Craig Habitus, field and capital. In: Beilharz, Peter , ed. Postwar American Critical Thought. SAGE hallmarks in postwar critical thought. Calhoun, Craig Habitus, field and capital: the question of historical specificity. Bourdieu: Critical Perspectives.
Calhoun, Craig History and sociology in Britain: a review article. Comparative Studies in Society and History, 29 3. Calhoun, Craig Indirect relationships and imagined communities: large scale social integration and the transformation of everyday life. Social Theory for a Changing Society. Calhoun, Craig Introduction: Habermas and the public sphere. In: Calhoun, Craig , ed.
Habermas and the Public Sphere. Studies in contemporary German social thought. Calhoun, Craig Introduction: toward a sociology of business. Comparative Social Research, Calhoun, Craig It's all information. Contemporary Sociology, 16 4. Fayard, Paris, France, pp. Calhoun, Craig Modernization and other modes of producing muddled thinking. Contemporary Sociology, 11 1. Calhoun, Craig Morality, identity, and historical explanation: Charles Taylor on the sources of the self.
Sociological Theory, 9 2. Calhoun, Craig Multiculturalism and nationalism, or, why feeling at home is not a substitute for public space. Calhoun, Craig Nationalism and ethnicity.
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Annual Review of Sociology, 19 1. Calhoun, Craig Nationalism and the contradictions of modernity. Calhoun, Craig Nationalism and the cultures of democracy. In: Kivisto, Peter , ed. Social Theory: Roots and Branches. Calhoun, Craig Nationalism, political community and the representation of society: or, why feeling at home is not a substitute for public space. European Journal of Social Theory, 2 2. Calhoun, Craig Nationalism, social change, and historical sociology. In: Engelstad, Fredrik and Kalleberg, Ragnvald , eds. Scandinavian University Press, Oslo, Norway, pp.
Calhoun, Craig New social movements of the early nineteenth century. Social Science History, 17 3. In: Traugott, Mark , ed. Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action. In: Nash, Kate , ed. Readings in Contemporary Political Sociology. Wiley-Blackwell, Oxford, UK, pp. Sosiologi I Dag, 24 4. Calhoun, Craig North Carolina today: contrasting conditions and common concerns. Rural Education and Development, Inc.. Calhoun, Craig On Merton's legacy and contemporary sociology. Robert K. Merton: Sociology of Science and Sociology as Science.
Calhoun, Craig On Pierre Bourdieu, outline of a theory of practice: sociology's other postconstructuralism. In: Clawson, Dan , ed. Calhoun, Craig Our computers, our selves. Society, 23 4. Calhoun, Craig Pierre Bourdieu. In: Ritzer, George , ed. Blackwell companions to sociology. In: Ritzer, George and Stepnisky, Jeffrey , eds. Calhoun, Craig Pierre Bourdieu and social transformation: lessons from Algeria.
Development and Change, 37 6. Calhoun, Craig Population and environment. In: Calhoun, Craig and Ritzer, George , eds. Social Problems. Calhoun, Craig Populist politics, communications media and large scale social integration. Centre for Psychosocial Studies Working Papers Calhoun, Craig Populist politics, communications media and large scale societal integration. Sociological Theory, 6 2. Calhoun, Craig Postmodernism as pseudohistory. Theory, Culture and Society, 10 1.
In: Sztompka, Piotr , ed. Agency and Structure: Reorienting Social Theory. International studies in global change; Collection ecologie humaine v. Gordon and Breach, Yverdon, Switzerland, pp. Calhoun, Craig Pour rendre le capitalisme respectable. Actes de la Recherche En Sciences Sociales, Calhoun, Craig Preface.
Sociology in America: a History. Calhoun, Craig Preface: people, faith, and transition: a comparative study of social and religious movements in Norway, s In: Furseth, Inger , ed. Calhoun, Craig Putting the sociologist in the sociology of culture: the self-reflexive scholarship of Pierre Bourdieu and Raymond Williams. Contemporary Sociology, 19 4. Calhoun, Craig Quelques reflexions sur une revolution: champ intellectuel, champ de pouvoir et "democratie" en Chine.
Calhoun, Craig Religion, secularism, and public reason. In: Habermas, Jurgen , ed. University of Bergen, Bergen, Norway, pp. Calhoun, Craig Resisting globalization or shaping it. In: Webster, Frank and Dimitriou, Basil , eds. SAGE masters in modern social thought series. Sage Publications. Calhoun, Craig Resisting globalization or shaping it?
Prometheus, 3. Calhoun, Craig Rethinking critical theory. Sage Publications, London, UK. Calhoun, Craig Rethinking secularism. Hedgehog Review, 12 3. Calhoun, Craig Robert K. The Observer 02 Mar Merton remembered.